Dr Usman Muhamad Bugaje


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THE SOKOTO CALIPHATE IN MODERN NIGERIA:
Ending it, Mending it or Reinventing it? - 1

An invitation to write and speak on the Caliphate in modern
Nigeria on the occasion of the first anniversary of
Muhammadu Machido as the Sultan of Sokoto.
21st April, 1997 at the Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto.

[Preamble ]   [Formation of the Caliphate ]   [Foundation of the Caliphate ]    [Decline of the Caliphate ]   [British Intervention ]   [Modern Nigeria ]   [The Caliphates in Modern Nigeria ]   [Ending it, Mending it or Re-inventing it?


Preamble

I must say I accepted this invitation with a great amount of diffidence. For the subject is momentous and the times are no ordinary times. The continuos slide in the quality of governance at all levels appears to be increasingly irredeemable. The consequent sense of frustration and cynicism among the citizenry is all too pervading. Sycophancy on the other hand has been taken to greater heights and people in authority are only waiting to be praised for what they have not done and seem wont to accept nothing less. It has become all too easy to fall foul of the ever-increasing laws that many would prefer to confine their thoughts to the privacy of their homes. The times are simply inauspicious, and I was not sure how much liberty the Emirate council would allow me. I was, however, assured that the emirate council is prepared to be quite generous. I therefore thought this is an opportunity to be honest with ourselves, look at things dispassionately and for once tell ourselves some home truth.

Having accepted the invitation, I started reflecting over the topic and wondering what the organisers had in mind. Three possibilities dawned on me. In the last few years there has been incessant and virulent attacks on the Caliphate in the Nigerian press and even published academic works. The organisers may, therefore, have in mind the need to defend the Caliphate on this occasion. There is also this growing feeling that the Nigerian State, like many of the artificial creations of European imperialism, is not working and we have spent over three decades after independence groping for a way with very little (some would say no) success. Many feel this has been largely due to our failure to imbibe the ethos and political culture of our pre-colonial societies from whence came our values, culture and aspirations. In this respect the experiences of the Caliphate are essential to the evolution of a workable political arrangement. The organisers may therefore have in mind the need to raise this issue of the relevance of this Caliphal experience especially when so many visionaries are at work. There is yet another possibility, uncomfortable as it may be to those who cannot imagine a future without the modern Nigerian State. This is informed by the fact that, the impact of the Sokoto Caliphate went far beyond it's geographical borders and continued to trigger the birth of similar Caliphates decades after its formation. This was possible precisely because the Caliphate was more than just a polity but in fact a phenomenon. As a phenomenon it could be repeated or reinvented, admittedly in different shape and form, but will in essence remain the same. One can thus look at the Caliphate as a more viable option to modern Nigeria in the same way it proved to be a more viable, progressive and secure option to the embattled Hausa States early in the 19th century.

I must say, I do not find the defence of the Caliphate particularly attractive. For one, many of the assailants are simply ignorant and need to be educated about the Caliphate. For another, much of the attack is clearly targeted at what has remained of the Caliphate; there is thus the danger of defending shadows. In any case some of the complaints against the heirs of the Caliphate are justified, for some of their conduct are clear departures from the high standards set by the Shehu and his team. While it is easy to see the value of showing the relevance of the Caliphal experience to our efforts in fashioning out a workable political arrangement, the benefits seem to be contingent on our dwindling political will. Our ruling elite, the military in particular, appear too occupied with themselves to care about the rest of us, much less a Caliphate they know very little about. In any case someone more competent is already working on this, the product of whose efforts will be with us sooner rather than later.

Thus I would rather opt for looking at the phenomenal aspect of the Caliphate. This has several advantages. First and for once we return to the past not to glorify it but to understand the present and anticipate the future. It is too early to forget Gideon Okar’s expulsion of the two Caliphates just as it would be too naive to go to sleep because Gideon is no more, for Gideon is only a courier, the barons are much around, up and about. Second, in these days of visions we should have no difficulty in appreciating the future. Vision 2010, however, appears to be contingent on the continuity of the Nigerian state. There is nothing wrong in hoping for the best, but what harm is done in preparing for the worst? If the optimists fail to win, what do we fall back on? Third, some of us believe that we are first Muslims before being anything else and to this extent we owe our lord and creator, to whom is our ultimate return, an obligation to live the lives of Muslims not only in our private lives but also in the public arena. British imperialism and its heirs do not, however, wish to allow us this liberty, very much the situation under which Shehu and his Jama’a found themselves under Bawa and his heirs. Had Shehu conceded to Bawa and his heirs, we may not have had any Caliphate to celebrate today. I doubt if we love Nigeria any more than Shehu loved Gobir, it is just that Shehu loved the God Who created and nourished Gobir more. So when he had to choose between the two he chose the Former and left the latter.

In choosing this option, I am not unaware of its problems, particularly the controversy it is likely to generate in Modern Nigeria. I am only too aware that this is neither a typical nor a comfortable way of facing the sad and tormenting facts of modern Nigeria. But I am encouraged by the fact that in my private discussions with people of my generation and older generations many seem extremely worried about the future of modern Nigeria and are prepared to contemplate the impossible. In these days of swift and extraordinary political changes, it is no longer sensible to close options. But many are terrified to contemplate much less mention them, for fear of ridicule, abuse or even something worse. This fear of even as much as thinking aloud seems to me to be a classic indication of our loss of courage, that we cannot simply be ourselves, that we almost feel the need to apologise to modern Nigeria on behalf of the two Caliphates, that we must seek to present ourselves only as modern Nigeria will have us.

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